As a student of modern Indian history, reared on a diet of NCERT textbooks in the nineties, I learned an important lesson i.e. the 'Narrative' of the Indian independence struggle. By 'narrative' I mean story. Invariably histories are told in the form of stories. In the nineties, the Narrative of Indian Independence struggle I learned had a form of a story. It had a hero (Congress led by Gandhi and Nehru), a villain (British colonial state), traitors (Muslim League and other communalists) and supporting cast. The story ended with Indians winning independence from the British. A fitting climax to a story of a people led by a saintly hero to their ultimate victory over an evil villain. However, the story of partition is glossed over as an unfortunate fact and as an inevitable result of the evil plots of the villain and traitors.
However, this narrative isn't viable anymore as an explanatory paradigm, at least in the space of high-academia. Scholars from different traditions such as Marxist, postcolonial, subaltern studies etc. have severely criticised the validity of the Narrative. Moreover, in recent times, Caste has emerged as the number one topic of social science research in India. It's curious development because of its previous absence. It is attributable to the effects of the Narrative. During my school years, I got the impression that caste was a matter of the past and didn't exist in contemporary India. Indian boys and girls fed on the Narrative must have felt the same because we were taught that caste privileges and untouchability-like disabilities were outlawed by our constitution. I didn't know back then but I was blindsided by my class position. My liberal education taught me to think above caste and religion and strongly identify with the Indian nation and treat Indians as my brothers and sisters regardless of caste, class or creed. As a child and later as an adolescent I was a typical liberal-nationalist who believed in the redemptive quality of Indian nationalism. I placed citizens' duty towards the nation above all other demands including that of religion and family. I found the interference of religion in politics (Indians call it communalism) a curse upon the nation and always viewed it with an eye of hostile suspicion.
The political effect of liberal-nationalism in India is that you pledge your allegiance to the Indian National Congress. It was the party who stood for the interests and well-being of all Indians. Communists stood for the interests of the working-class alone, BJP-like parties represented the extremist views of certain sections of the majority, Muslim League-like parties were exemplars of minority extremism and regional parties were votaries of linguistic chauvinism. Even when we were aware of Congress' moral failures, liberal-nationalists defended it because it was the best bet for all Indians and though the party may have lost its way in the middle it was fundamentally good. One of the reasons for believing in the 'fundamental goodness' of the Congress party was its heroic role in the independence struggle in which it led the nation to liberation from colonialism. We believed that the selfless sacrifice of Congress' patriarchs such as Gandhi and Nehru continued to inform the party and it formed the ideological core of the party. I'm not denouncing Congress or denying its rich and heroic past. I'm just stating the general political effect the Narrative had in my mind as a young man.
The hold of the Narrative on me was broken over some time. Firstly, I learned to sympathise with the marginalized but rebellious voices of labourers, women, minorities, etc. but it was my research into the history of colonial constitutional reforms from the eyes of Ambedkar that taught me the sheer complexity of the period that usually passes for the Indian Independence struggle. The problem of untouchables and Ambedkar's crusade against it was as much political as it was social. In the popular account, Ambedkar was a social reformer who drafted the Indian constitution and joined Nehru's cabinet as India's first Law Minister. Not many know that Ambedkar resented his appointment as the Law minister because he thought it was an unimportant post. He wanted the Finance portfolio because he was a qualified economist himself. From the beginning of his public career in 1919 until he was elected the Chairman of the Drafting Committee Ambedkar was an inveterate opponent of Congress because he viewed them as a body of caste-Hindus and detrimental to the interests of untouchables. Congress was equally venomous in its opposition. It defeated Ambedkar in 1946 elections and he was elected to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal with the help of the Muslim League, thanks to J.N Mandal. When I read Ambedkar's writings and speeches it became clear to me that untouchables were in pathetic state in British-India and Congress didn't do its fullest to secure their confidence. Ambedkar's distrust of Congress was justified. The Congress party tried to subordinate the minority question to to dictates of nationalism. For Congress, the biggest task before the nation was to win Independence and once it was achieved everything else could be satisfactorily addressed. But the minorities feared majoritarian domination in Independent India unless their grievances were redressed. Those who differed with Congress including Ambedkar on the question of minorities were denounced as 'communalists'. It's not wrong to say that Congress' intractable stance made the minority question difficult to answer, if not unanswerable within the framework of Indian nationhood.
The Narrative isn't a credible account anymore, neither as a story nor as an explanation of Indian independence. Does it mean that we should build a new Narrative based on anti-caste crusaders? The question is what it would achieve? The relation between the colonial state, Congress-nationalists, and minorities was far more intricate than a simple story could tell. One can argue in favour of specific narratives but is it possible to build a new meta-narrative that explains the independence and the founding of the Indian republic? I don't have an answer but there are questions that I would like to ask. Two of the questions that pop up in my mind are:
However, this narrative isn't viable anymore as an explanatory paradigm, at least in the space of high-academia. Scholars from different traditions such as Marxist, postcolonial, subaltern studies etc. have severely criticised the validity of the Narrative. Moreover, in recent times, Caste has emerged as the number one topic of social science research in India. It's curious development because of its previous absence. It is attributable to the effects of the Narrative. During my school years, I got the impression that caste was a matter of the past and didn't exist in contemporary India. Indian boys and girls fed on the Narrative must have felt the same because we were taught that caste privileges and untouchability-like disabilities were outlawed by our constitution. I didn't know back then but I was blindsided by my class position. My liberal education taught me to think above caste and religion and strongly identify with the Indian nation and treat Indians as my brothers and sisters regardless of caste, class or creed. As a child and later as an adolescent I was a typical liberal-nationalist who believed in the redemptive quality of Indian nationalism. I placed citizens' duty towards the nation above all other demands including that of religion and family. I found the interference of religion in politics (Indians call it communalism) a curse upon the nation and always viewed it with an eye of hostile suspicion.
The political effect of liberal-nationalism in India is that you pledge your allegiance to the Indian National Congress. It was the party who stood for the interests and well-being of all Indians. Communists stood for the interests of the working-class alone, BJP-like parties represented the extremist views of certain sections of the majority, Muslim League-like parties were exemplars of minority extremism and regional parties were votaries of linguistic chauvinism. Even when we were aware of Congress' moral failures, liberal-nationalists defended it because it was the best bet for all Indians and though the party may have lost its way in the middle it was fundamentally good. One of the reasons for believing in the 'fundamental goodness' of the Congress party was its heroic role in the independence struggle in which it led the nation to liberation from colonialism. We believed that the selfless sacrifice of Congress' patriarchs such as Gandhi and Nehru continued to inform the party and it formed the ideological core of the party. I'm not denouncing Congress or denying its rich and heroic past. I'm just stating the general political effect the Narrative had in my mind as a young man.
The hold of the Narrative on me was broken over some time. Firstly, I learned to sympathise with the marginalized but rebellious voices of labourers, women, minorities, etc. but it was my research into the history of colonial constitutional reforms from the eyes of Ambedkar that taught me the sheer complexity of the period that usually passes for the Indian Independence struggle. The problem of untouchables and Ambedkar's crusade against it was as much political as it was social. In the popular account, Ambedkar was a social reformer who drafted the Indian constitution and joined Nehru's cabinet as India's first Law Minister. Not many know that Ambedkar resented his appointment as the Law minister because he thought it was an unimportant post. He wanted the Finance portfolio because he was a qualified economist himself. From the beginning of his public career in 1919 until he was elected the Chairman of the Drafting Committee Ambedkar was an inveterate opponent of Congress because he viewed them as a body of caste-Hindus and detrimental to the interests of untouchables. Congress was equally venomous in its opposition. It defeated Ambedkar in 1946 elections and he was elected to the Constituent Assembly from Bengal with the help of the Muslim League, thanks to J.N Mandal. When I read Ambedkar's writings and speeches it became clear to me that untouchables were in pathetic state in British-India and Congress didn't do its fullest to secure their confidence. Ambedkar's distrust of Congress was justified. The Congress party tried to subordinate the minority question to to dictates of nationalism. For Congress, the biggest task before the nation was to win Independence and once it was achieved everything else could be satisfactorily addressed. But the minorities feared majoritarian domination in Independent India unless their grievances were redressed. Those who differed with Congress including Ambedkar on the question of minorities were denounced as 'communalists'. It's not wrong to say that Congress' intractable stance made the minority question difficult to answer, if not unanswerable within the framework of Indian nationhood.
The Narrative isn't a credible account anymore, neither as a story nor as an explanation of Indian independence. Does it mean that we should build a new Narrative based on anti-caste crusaders? The question is what it would achieve? The relation between the colonial state, Congress-nationalists, and minorities was far more intricate than a simple story could tell. One can argue in favour of specific narratives but is it possible to build a new meta-narrative that explains the independence and the founding of the Indian republic? I don't have an answer but there are questions that I would like to ask. Two of the questions that pop up in my mind are:
- How central was the question of Indian Independence to the overall history of the first half of the twentieth century?
- What were the more pressing issues that colonial state and Indian leadership faced during the period?